│国民連合とは│月刊「日本の進路」│地方議員版│討論の広場│集会案内│出版物案内│トップ│
Summary（Japanese）
(1) In the aftermath of the multiple and simultaneous terrorist attacks in the U.S. on September 11, 2001, the Bush administration intensified its self-righteous strategy depending heavily on military might and embarked on a war against terrorism in Afghanistan. It is also preparing for a war to topple the Hussein regime in Iraq. Bound by the security treaty with the U.S., the Japanese government has expanded its military role by following in America's footsteps. Japan is in an unprecedented danger of being forced into participating in armed conflict. However, mutual trust for co-existence and co-prosperity with our Asian neighbors is indispensable for the security of Japan. In the 21st century, Japan should amend its relationship with the U.S., which mandates the presence of U.S. military bases in our country. Instead, it should opt to keep in step with its Asian neighbors.
(2) In 1945, Japan unconditionally surrendered and accepted the Potsdam Declaration. Following the terms of the Declaration, the U.S. occupation forces carried out the demilitarization and democratization of Japan. The Japanese Constitution was promulgated in November 1946, asserting that sovereign power resides with the people, assuring its nationals of their fundamental human rights and recognizing that all peoples of the world have the right to live in peace, never to engage in war. These main pillars of the constitution influenced the formation of a democratic nation. The lofty goal expressed in the Preamble is the wellspring of Japanese diplomacy ever since.
(3) On April 28, 1952, the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty went into effect. In the ensuing years, Japan's economic growth accelerated. However, Okinawa remained under U.S. occupation for the next twenty years until it was returned to Japan in 1972, forcing the people of Okinawa to endure serious hardship. The security treaty was amended in 1960 but remains in force today. It has been the fundamental pretext for the U.S. military presence in Japan for the last half-century.
(4) The security treaty allows the U.S. to make expansive use of our territory, waters and airspace. U.S. military maneuvers and recurrent incidents resulting from improper behavior of American servicemen have endangered the lives and safety of the local populace. The U.S. presence has also contributed to environmental destruction in the area. This situation is most serious in Okinawa. The Status of the Forces Agreement has bestowed de facto extraterritorial rights and other privileges to the U.S. Military.
(5) Since the Army is not stationed in the U.S. bases in Japan, we can see that the bases are not for the protection of Japan. They serve as U.S. strategic headquarters for Asia and the mid-East. Our government has provided infinitesimal funds to support these bases. Moreover, the U.S. government has started to nudge Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defense, which is denied under the Constitution. The Japanese government orchestrated the enactment of the Law Concerning Measures to Ensure the Peace and Security in Areas Surrounding Japan and the Anti-terrorism Special Measures Bill. It has also presented parliament with a draft of a martial law for the first time after the Second World War.
(6) The Japanese government has lost its autonomy under the security treaty, its diplomatic policy driven by allegiance to the U.S. Japan lacks the mettle and pride that would be evident in an independent state. U.S. political leaders deride Japan as a U.S. protectorate that serves as a checkbook to fund its external policy. Japanese leaders have also made self-deprecating remarks about the quasi-colonial situation.
(7) The security treaty also demands that the two countries eliminate the discrepancies in international economic policy, forcing Japan to follow the U.S. leadership in economic measures. The financial and foreign exchange policy that ensued after the Plaza Agreement in 1985 resulted in the emergence of the bubble economy. When this bubble burst, the Japanese economy plummeted in the 1990s. Serious economic repercussions resulted as a product of policy bound by its security tie with the U.S.
(8) In the aftermath of war, Japan started to rebuild by deeply reflecting on its war of aggression and colonial rule of Asia, contemplating its responsibility for the war. U.S. leniency toward Japan was the consequence of its strategy that lay priority on relations with the Soviet Union. This allowed some pre-war leaders to come back and resulted in the insouciance of the Japanese toward their responsibility for the war. The condescending attitude to our neighboring states remained, while government officials and political leaders continue to make insensitive comments that have enraged many. Expanding its military capacity in the wake of the American war effort has further aggravated the situation. Asian countries still continue to mistrust Japan.
(9) The Japanese government's explanation for the U.S, presence during the Cold War was that it was necessary for the security of Japan in relation with the Soviet Union, a potential enemy. With the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Cold War has ceased to exist. Thus we cannot envision a neighboring nation embarking on military action against Japan. The foundation for maintaining the security treaty no longer exists―it is time we terminate the treaty and request the withdrawal of the U.S. Military from Japan.
(10) When the Cold War ended, the Japan-U.S. Joint Declaration of Security of 1996 put the security treaty on a life-prolonging apparatus with the pretext of tension on the Korean peninsula and the Taiwan problem. These problems are essentially internal affairs in the area that can be resolved without intervention from external forces and are not of any danger or threat to Japan. The U.S. military bases that are targets of terrorist attacks pose a more serious potential threat to Japanese nationals.
(11) Until the 1960s, the theory of co-prosperity wrought by the security treaty held certain ground backed by Japan's accelerating economic growth. However, the security treaty had a negative effect on the Japanese economy after the 1980s. In the 90s, the Japanese economy became unstable as it swayed to and fro by the tide of globalization, intensified by the government's ambivalence on the EAEC and the Asian Monetary Fund. We have reached the stage where the Japanese economy can no longer benefit from its security tie with the U.S.
(12) In the last decade of the 20th century, globalization progressed in the economic sector, while disparity in wealth expanded around the world. This inequality has been fodder for discrimination and conflict, intensifying the exertion of force. Affluent countries may be able to temporarily suppress uprisings against them, but this does not solve the problem. We Japanese should establish the strategic objective of forming a world order that eliminates poverty and discrimination along the spirit of our Constitution. For this end, we need to establish independence, autonomy, peace and synthesis as our diplomatic philosophy.
(13) For the honor and independence of Japan, our government should notify the U.S. government of the termination of the security treaty as stipulated in Article 10, Clause 2 and propose to enter into a friendship treaty with the United States. As the two most affluent countries in the world, both countries bear great responsibility in eliminating inequality and discrimination around the globe. The friendship treaty should call on both countries to reestablish our bilateral relationship based on the common effort of creating a better future for the peoples who live on this planet.
(14) Japan should pursue the long-term goal of assuring economic and strategic symbiosis with the two Korean states, China and ASEAN countries. For this end, normalization of diplomatic relations with North Korea will be indispensable. We should found an Asian Monetary Fund and promote a free trade zone in East Asia and lend a helping hand to developing countries. These developments will help secure conditions for a denuclearized zone in northeast Asia and the establishment of an East Asian multi-national security organization for coexistence in the region.
(15) Globalization, which is the norm today, should not serve to augment U.S. supremacy, oppress human rights, nor aggravate disparity in wealth, ethnic discrimination or environmental destruction. Reforms for a democratic and impartial U.N. Security Council should be implemented to reflect the intentions of the developing states. The Economic and Social Council must be restructured to make it an effective organization. Japan should sign and ratify the treaty to establish an international criminal court. Japan's role in the 21st century would be to challenge poverty and discrimination through the promotion of these reforms in UN organizations and to establish a global system of peace and security.
"Japan's Direction in the 21st Century" Study Group
Chairperson
Mikio Sumiya (Professor Emeritus, Tokyo University)
Members
Shigeru Ito (Former member of the House of Representatives)
Hiroko Otsuki (Vice President, Japan Women's Rights Union)
Takeshi Kato (Secretary General, Kokumin Rengo)
Mari Kushibuchi (Joint Representative, Peace Boat)
Tamotsu Suzuki (Chairperson, Atsugi Base Drumming Prevention Committee)
Katsumi Takeoka (Former Chief Secretary, Defense Agency)
Shiro Takeda (Former member of the House of Councilors)
Eijiro Noda (Former Ambassador to India)
Ichiro Hariu (Professor Emeritus, Wako University)
Tetsuo Maeda (Professor, Tokyo International University)
Motofumi Makieda (Former Chairperson, Sohyo)
Kinhide Mushakoji (Professor, Chubu University)
Yasuhiko Yoshida (Professor, Osaka University of Economics and Law)
Masanori Yoshimoto (Former Vice-governor of Okinawa Prefecture)
Summary
Table of Contents
1. Introduction
2. Japan's Choices in the Aftermath of the Second World War
(1) The Enactment of the Constitution of Japan
(2) The San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty
3. Japan Under the Security Treaty
(1) Negative effects of the U.S. Forces Stationed in Japan
(2) Cooperation Provided to the U.S. Military
(3) Japanese Diplomacy Following in America's Footsteps
(4) Effects to the Economy
(5) Mistrust from Asian Nations
4. Loss of Rationale in the Security Treaty
(1) Termination of the Cold War
(2) Transition in Japan-U.S. Security Tie
(3) Reality of Japan-U.S. Co-prosperity
5. Keeping Japan on Course in the 21st Century
(1) The World in the 21st Century and the Strategy of Japan
(2) Rebuilding a new Japan-U.S. Relationship
(3) Asian Co-existence
(4) Problems and the Challenge to Eliminate Poverty and Discrimination